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Purpose - This article aims to provide a response to the papers in this issue. Design/methodology/approach - The methodology employed is philosophical. Findings - In her response, Nussbaum thanks the authors for their contribution...
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Purpose - This article aims to provide a response to the papers in this issue. Design/methodology/approach - The methodology employed is philosophical. Findings - In her response, Nussbaum thanks the authors for their contributions and addresses their most salient arguments. Originality/value - Nussbaum in this article responds to the papers in this issue of IJSE and addresses the authors' most salient arguments.
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Politics is a practical activity which, after a moment's thought, turns into a philosophical inquiry. We have only to reflect on toleration and human rights, sovereignty and the state, the social contracts citizens have with each ...
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Politics is a practical activity which, after a moment's thought, turns into a philosophical inquiry. We have only to reflect on toleration and human rights, sovereignty and the state, the social contracts citizens have with each other, the shaping influence of law and changes arising from globalization to realize the truth of that. More formally, we might then draw on ideas from writers like Plato and Marx and Hegel and on theories about polity and individuality and freedom (many of which are or have become normative narratives, for some arguably foundational roles) to see how wide-ranging political philosophy can be. The wealth of material, in reference and scholarly and popular sources, confirms this. Ethically, we move smoothly into areas of ethics and 'the good life', duty and obligation and altruism, and the numerous political and financial and economic strategies that claim to help them flourish - as well as seem to address why they should. And, in case critics say that philosophy can be merely abstract, analytical political science often takes an assertively empirical line, as indeed many politicians (and teachers of politics) say it must.
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The ancient wisdom of the East has made China stand on the top of the world for about 2000 years, while the modern science of the West (whether natural science or social science) has made the Western countries become more and more...
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The ancient wisdom of the East has made China stand on the top of the world for about 2000 years, while the modern science of the West (whether natural science or social science) has made the Western countries become more and more powerful in recent hundreds of years. So the cultures adopted between them must be persuasive, intelligent, practicable and operable theories. Comparing the two political systems, we can find that although the appearance of the two systems is different, both of them are highly similar in nature. Due to the influence of history, geography, habits and other factors, there must be differences in the nature of the two. We also need to face up to such differences. Therefore, the author intends to make a breakthrough point from the theory of Confucian political and philosophical system in ancient China, from which to analyze the modern democratic political system, describe its advantages and disadvantages, and put forward some of my humble opinions.
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Bioethical work on solidarity has yielded an array of divergent conceptions. But what do these accounts add to normative bioethics? What is solidarity’s distinctive social normative role? Prainsack and Buyx suggest that solidarit...
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Bioethical work on solidarity has yielded an array of divergent conceptions. But what do these accounts add to normative bioethics? What is solidarity’s distinctive social normative role? Prainsack and Buyx suggest that solidarity be understood as the ‘putty’ of justice. I argue here that the putty metaphor is deeply insightful and—when spelled out in detail—successfully explicates solidarity’s social normative function. Unfortunately, Prainsack and Buyx’s own account cannot play this role. I propose instead that the putty metaphor supports a conception of solidarity as equity. This proposal enables us to answer whether and when we should act in solidarity, and with whom, while also capturing the putty metaphor and hence answering a basic question: what is solidarity for?
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A particular challenge for anyone studying political thought is to get a clear understanding of how practical politics blends with political theory and philosophy. These two strands constantly intermix as, for instance, ideas and ...
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A particular challenge for anyone studying political thought is to get a clear understanding of how practical politics blends with political theory and philosophy. These two strands constantly intermix as, for instance, ideas and issues about practical politics (political and social movements, political order, public sphere, resistance and revolution, liberalism) both draw on and imply ideas and issues about political theory and philosophy (natural law, necessity, identity and the self, human dignity, civic virtue, pragmatism, reason). Into both come the many writers and thinkers, commentators and political actors familiar in the whole field of politics, from Plato to Rawls, from Kant to Lyotard, from Hegel and Heidegger and Lenin to Oakeshott and Sandel and Zizek. A wide-ranging field, then, as this encyclopedia demonstrates - in its comprehensive coverage as well as in its helpful "lexicon" of thematic categories provided early in volume one (typically, contemporary, democracy, economics, Europe, feminism, foundations, international relations, liberalism, major thinkers, morality and ethics, philosophy and political theory, political repression, religion and schools of thought, many of which overlap in subtle ways).
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This book claims to be the first encyclopedia of Islamic political thought, and in the narrow definition of "political thought" it may be, though there are a number of recently published encyclopedic works on Islam such as Encyclo...
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This book claims to be the first encyclopedia of Islamic political thought, and in the narrow definition of "political thought" it may be, though there are a number of recently published encyclopedic works on Islam such as Encyclopedia of Islam (Campo, 2007), various works by Esposito including an Oxford dictionary (Esposito, 2003) (RR 2004/007), The Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World (Martin, 2004) (RR 2004/362) and The Encyclopedia of Islamic Civilization and Religion (Netton, 2008) (RR 2008/254). "Comprehensive", "authoritative" and "accessible" are also claimed for the book; and rightly so. The work focuses on the origins and evolution of Islamic political ideas and related subjects, covering central terms, concepts, personalities, movements, places, and schools of thought across Islamic history. It will be a worthy addition to our reference shelves.
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The book is a collection of twelve essays by professors of political science and international relations, including the editors commenting on the work of William Connolly, a noted political theorist, and an interview of Connolly b...
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The book is a collection of twelve essays by professors of political science and international relations, including the editors commenting on the work of William Connolly, a noted political theorist, and an interview of Connolly by the editors.
The authors explain in various ways, at great length and in dense, sometimes difficult-to-understand language, Connollys fundamental views on pluralism. The traditional political science notion of pluralism merely acknowledges the diversity of peoples interests and recognizes the need for members of society to accommodate each others interests through good faith negotiation within established procedures. However, Connolly argues this is not enough. He suggests that sometimes "It takes a militant, experimental and persistent political movement to open up a line of flight from culturally induced suffering."
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Many business ethicists assume that if a type of conduct is illegal, then it is also unethical. This article scrutinizes that assumption, using the rideshare company Uber's illegal operation in the city of Philadelphia as a case s...
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Many business ethicists assume that if a type of conduct is illegal, then it is also unethical. This article scrutinizes that assumption, using the rideshare company Uber's illegal operation in the city of Philadelphia as a case study. I argue that Uber's unlawful conduct was permissible. I also argue that this position is not an extreme one: it is consistent with a variety of theoretical commitments in the analytic philosophical tradition regarding political obligation (i.e. the moral duty to obey the law because it is the law). I conclude by showing why business ethicists would have a better rejoinder to the "dominant view" of business ethics associated with Milton Friedman if they dispensed with the assumption that illegal implies unethical.
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Despite several decades of debate, the concept of disease remains hotly contested. The debate is typically cast as one between naturalism and normativism, with a hybrid view that combines elements of each staked out in between. In...
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Despite several decades of debate, the concept of disease remains hotly contested. The debate is typically cast as one between naturalism and normativism, with a hybrid view that combines elements of each staked out in between. In light of a number of widely discussed problems with existing accounts, some theorists argue that the concept of disease is beyond repair and thus recommend eliminating it in a wide range of practical medical contexts. Any attempt to reframe the 'disease' discussion should answer the more basic sceptical challenge, and should include a meta-methodological critique guided by our pragmatic expectations of what the disease concept ought to do given that medical diagnosis is woven into a complex network of healthcare institutions. In this paper, we attempt such a reframing, arguing that while prevailing accounts do not suffer from the particular defects that prominent critics have identified, they do suffer from other deficits-and this leads us to propose an amended hybrid view that places objectivist approaches to disease on stronger theoretical footing, and satisfies the institutional-ethical desiderata of a concept of disease in human medicine. Nevertheless, we do not advocate a procrustean approach to 'disease'. Instead, we recommend disease concept pluralism between medical and biological sciences to allow the concept to serve the different epistemic and institutional goals of these respective disciplines.
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Carl Mitcham makes the case for Leo Strauss's importance as a theorist of technology whose work complements thinkers like Bernard Stiegler and others in philosophy of technology and science and technology studies. His main argumen...
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Carl Mitcham makes the case for Leo Strauss's importance as a theorist of technology whose work complements thinkers like Bernard Stiegler and others in philosophy of technology and science and technology studies. His main argument is that a political philosophy of technology follows from the core elements of Strauss's unique analysis of modernity. Importantly, he adapts Strauss's "cave within a cave" image to encapsulate the interventionist origins and subsequent artificiality of modernity, and, thus, helps us to see why a "Tractatus Politico-Technologicus" can usefully make common cause with contemporary philosophy of technology.
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